Tuesday, 7 July 2020

Doval talks to Wang, Indian officials claim Chinese pulling back

The Indian Army mobilisation to the border continues

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 7th July 20

Chinese troops who occupied Indian-claimed territory in the vicinity of Patrolling Point 14 (PP14) in the Galwan River valley in Ladakh, have withdrawn about 2 kilometres onto China’s side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC), government sources told the media on Monday.

The development echoes a similar claim made after senior Indian and Chinese military commanders met on June 6 near Chushul. However, when Indian soldiers went to verify the “withdrawal”, they ran into Chinese troops resulting in 20 Indian deaths.

The claim that Chinese troops had pulled back came a day after National Security Advisor Ajit Doval spoke on the phone to China’s State Councillor and Minister of Foreign Affairs Wang Yi.

New Delhi and Beijing have put out conflicting accounts of that conversation.

In a press release on Monday, New Delhi stated that the two officials “agreed that it was necessary to ensure at the earliest complete disengagement of the troops along the LAC and de-escalation from India-China border areas for full restoration of peace and tranquillity. In this regard they further agreed that both sides should complete the on-going disengagement process along the LAC expeditiously.”

In contrast, Beijing’s official readout of the conversation had no mention of any agreement to “disengage” or “de-escalate”. On the other hand, China’s statement blamed Indian troops for the June 15 clash and reiterated Beijing’s previously stated claim over the Galwan River valley.

“The merits of the recent incident in the Galvan (Galwan) Valley in the western section of the China-India border are clear and China will continue to vigorously defend its territorial sovereignty and safeguard peace and tranquillity in the border areas,” said a Chinese ministry of foreign affairs (MFA) press release.

On the question of easing the current border face-off between the two countries, the Chinese MFA release referred only to “a positive consensus.”

Later, asked whether China had pulled back equipment in the Galwan valley, Chinese foreign ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said both sides were “taking effective measures to disengage and ease the situation on the border.”

Beijing stated that Wang had told Doval that India and China “have long-term strategic interests” in the “realization of development and revitalisation” and that the two countries “do not pose a threat to each other.”

New Delhi’s statement said that diplomatic and military dialogue would continue including under the framework of the “Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination” and at the level of Special Representatives, i.e. Doval and Wang.

Within India’s military, there is worry that a “mutual pullback agreement” would effectively result in the loss of Indian territory. With Chinese troops already having intruded more than two kilometres into areas that India has traditionally claimed, occupied and patrolled, a mutual pullback of two kilometres would create a four-kilometre-deep “buffer zone” that would lie entirely in Indian territory.

Senior military officers point out that Indian troops have historically patrolled up to the areas of PP14, PP15, PP17 and PP17A. A “mutual pullback” and “buffer zone” agreement would mean these areas would now be out of bounds.

Meanwhile, the Chinese remain unwilling to discuss a pull out from the Pangong Tso area, say government sources. Here they have occupied eight kilometres of Indian territory between Finger 4 and Finger 8.

“This would be a double whammy for India: The Chinese staying put in Pangong Tso, and creating a buffer zone on Indian territory in other areas,” says a senior serving general.

Monday, 6 July 2020

Filling the fighter gap

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 6th July 20

The defence ministry’s announcement last week that it had cleared the procurement of Rs 38,900 crore worth of weaponry and defence equipment is to be welcomed, especially given the tense confrontation with Chinese troops at several places in Ladakh. More than 80 per cent of the equipment that has been cleared will be manufactured in India, with the participation of several small and medium industries as prime tier vendors — making it truly Indian. It is also true that the MiG 29 upgrade involves radar and missiles, plus range and other improvements — all at relatively low cost. Also it changes the game from being just air superiority fighter to multi role, though it can be argued that their demanding logistics require them to spend more time in the maintenance hangar than most modern fighters.

The problem is it could be several years before this weaponry becomes available to combat units, since only an in-principle clearance for procurement has been accorded so far and India’s notoriously slow procurement process often drags on for well over three years. Given the urgency of the military’s need, the defence ministry should have cleared the acquisitions under the “fast track” category, which requires a contract to be concluded within a year. The frontline soldiers cannot wait longer than that for the firepower they badly need through the induction of the Pinaka rocket launchers, Astra air-to-air missiles and Nirbhay long-range cruise missiles that the ministry has cleared for acquisition.

Buying more Sukhoi-30MKI fighters provides work to Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd, whose Sukhoi-30MKI manufacturing line would otherwise shut down later this year at the end of its production run. And the cut-rate purchase of MiG-29 fighters, which are lying in storage in Russia since the Russian Air Force does not want them, would allow the Indian Air Force (IAF) to field an additional fighter squadron cheaply. However, these are insufficient reasons for inducting combat aircraft that are neither state-of-the-art, nor indigenously designed and manufactured like the Tejas.

Admittedly, no country’s combat aircraft fleet consists entirely of cutting-edge fighters. Given the budgetary constraints, a balanced air force would field an equal mix of cutting edge, contemporary and legacy aircraft. However, that delicate balance gets disturbed when obsolescent aircraft are replaced in service by less-than-cutting-edge fighters. The IAF should not be tempted into cut-rate shopping to make up the numbers. Instead, it should seriously pursue the global tender it initiated more than two years ago for buying 114 state-of-the-art medium fighters from the global market. True, that would strain the already overloaded defence budget. However, as the current border crisis illustrates, capacities must be created ahead of time, not when a crisis is upon us. The government has done well to boost the indigenous Tejas fighter programme and to nudge the IAF to order 83 Tejas in the advanced Mark 1A configuration. Meanwhile, the indigenous development of the Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) is moving ahead steadily. However, to fill the gap until these indigenous fighters enter service in significant numbers, the IAF must expedite the 114-fighter global tender rather than wasting scarce defence capital funds on bits and bobs that have no place in the fleet of the future.

Saturday, 4 July 2020

Modi visits troops in Ladakh, Beijing says don’t escalate the situation

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 4th July 20

Signalling a new government resolve in tackling multiple Chinese intrusions into Indian-claimed territory over the last two months, Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Ladakh on Friday and addressed Indian troops there.

In his first visit to the Union Territory after 20 soldiers were killed on June 15 in a clash with Chinese troops in the Galwan River valley, Modi was accompanied by Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), General Bipin Rawat, and army chief General MM Naravane. He visited Indian troops who were in hospital, recovering from wounds sustained in that encounter.

Paying tribute to the jawans, Modi said Indians could go about their lives peacefully because they know the armed forces are protecting the nation. Because of their exemplary bravery in recent weeks, the world has taken note of India’s strength, he said.

“Our country has never bowed down and will never bow down to any world power, and I am able to say this because of braves like you,” said Modi. He said the soldiers came from all over India, but their bravery “now echoed in the mountains and valleys of Ladakh.”

Evoking the title of the Leh-based 14 Corps, which calls itself the “Fire and Fury Corps”, the PM said: “The enemies of India have seen the fire and fury of our soldiers.”

In a sharp message to Beijing, Modi stated: “The era of expansionism is over, this is now an era of development and open competition. In the last century, there are many examples of countries that had adopted an expansionist attitude and threatened world peace... [but] history is witness that they were wiped out or forced to retreat.”

Making it clear that India would not capitulate to China for the sake of peace, he said: “Bravery and courage are the underlying principles for creating peace… We know the weak can never enforce peace.”

Modi cited the examples of Lord Krishna, who India prayed to in his flute-playing avatar as well as his Sudarshan Chakra wielding one.

Addressing the troops at the Nimu headquarters, in the lap of the Zanskar Range, Modi said he had furthered India’s security readiness by ensuring availability of modern weaponry. On Thursday evening, just before his visit to Ladakh the government had approved purchase of weapons and equipment worth Rs 39,800 crores.

The PM pointed out the government had expanded India’s network of border roads by raising the border infrastructure budget threefold.

He listed out many achievements of the NDA government including creation of the post of CDS, constructing a “grand National War Memorial,” implementing the principle of One Rank, One Pension and ensuring the well-being of families of military personnel.

Soon after the PM’s speech, Beijing sought to calm the atmosphere. Responding to a question on Modi’s comments, China’s foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian stated: “India and China are in communication and [there are on-going] negotiations on lowering the temperatures through military and diplomatic channels. No party should engage in any action that may escalate the situation at this point.”

Asked about Road Transport and Highways Minister Nitin Gadkari’s announcement that Chinese companies would not be allowed to build highways in India, Zhao stated: “Certain politicians in India have been issuing remarks that are detrimental to our bilateral relations recently… We will take necessary measures to uphold the legitimate rights of Chinese businesses in India.”

Striking a conciliatory tone, the spokesperson said: “India and China are major developing countries and accelerating renewal and development are important missions for us. We have to respect and support each other [and] follow the consensus reached between the leaders of our two countries… The Indian side should not have strategic miscalculation on China.” 

Friday, 3 July 2020

MoD cites “current situation” on borders to green light arms purchases worth Rs 38,900 crore

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 3rd July 20

The ministry of defence (MoD) has acknowledged the seriousness of the situation in Ladakh, where Indian soldiers are facing off against Chinese intruders, by green lighting the purchase of weapons and equipment worth Rs 39,800 crore.

“In the current situation and the need to strengthen the armed forces for the defence of our borders, and in line with our Prime Minister’s clarion call for ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat’ (self sufficient India), the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC), in its meeting of July 2 held under the chairmanship of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh accorded approval for capital acquisitions of various platforms and equipment required by the Indian armed forces. Proposals for an approximate cost of Rs 38,900 Cr were approved,” the MoD stated on Thursday.

“Further, addressing the long-felt need of the Indian Air Force (IAF) to increase its fighter squadrons, the DAC also approved the proposal for procurement of 21 MIG-29 fighters, along with upgradation of existing 59 Mig-29 aircrafts and procurement of 12 Sukhoi-30MKI aircraft,” said the MoD.

The ministry said procurement from Russia and upgrade of MiG-29s would cost about Rs 7,418 crore, while Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL) would build the Sukhoi-30MKI fighters in Nashik for an estimated Rs 10,730 crore.

The MoD stated that, given its “focus on indigenous design and development”, the bulk of the clearances – worth Rs 31,130 crore – have been accorded for indigenously built weaponry.

The indigenous equipment “involves Indian defence industry with participation of several MSMEs (medium, small and micro enterprises) as prime tier vendors. The indigenous content in some of these projects is up to 80 per cent of the project cost,” said the MoD. 

Indian companies are building much of this equipment – worth Rs 20,400 crore – based on technology transferred to them by the Defence R&D Organisation (DRDO). These include the Astra air-to-air missile, software defined radio (SDR), munitions for Pinaka multi-barrelled rocket launchers and Land Attack Cruise Missiles (LACMs), said Dr G Satheesh Reddy, the DRDO chairman.

The Astra missile, for which the first order will now be processed, is an indigenous design triumph. It is in the “beyond visual range” (BVR) class of air-to-air missiles, fired from fighter aircraft to destroy fast manoeuvring enemy targets by day or night. It is learnt that 250 Astra missiles are being ordered and the missile is being integrated with the Sukhoi-30MKI.

The MoD said the clearance for the Pinaka MBRL would allow additional Pinaka regiments to be raised, boosting the army’s attack capabilities. Pinaka is all-weather, indirect fire rocket system that delivers a lethal punch from multiple rockets to area targets such as enemy troops in the open, armoured and soft skinned vehicles and fuel and ammunition dumps.

Funding has also been allocated for the development programme of the Nirbhay “long range land attack cruise missile” (LRLACM), that engages targets up to 1,000 kilometres away.

The DRDO says it has “developed, demonstrated and matured critical cruise missile technologies such as aerodynamic configuration, vertical launch using solid booster, thrust vector control system, booster separation, in-flight wing deployment, in-flight engine start and long range way-point navigation system. Seeker development and testing by DRDO laboratories are demonstrated and is at a high level of readiness.”

Now, the DRDO is finalising the development of the LRLACM.

Even after the DAC clears procurement of a piece of equipment, it takes about three years for that approval to fructify into a contract, according to an official estimate by the MoD in 2017. There is a separate proviso for "fast-track" purchases, which also take at least a year.

Thursday, 2 July 2020

India, China corps commanders’ meet gives no sign on agreement to disengage

Neither the MoD nor the MEA commented on the outcome, but "army sources" released a gloomy picture of the meeting

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 2nd July 20

A third meeting between Indian and Chinese corps commanders on Tuesday has not yielded any tangible measures to de-escalate the crisis caused by the capture of Indian-claimed territory by Chinese troops in Ladakh.

The meeting was held at Chushul, on the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) – the de facto Sino-Indian border – between India’s Leh corps commander, Lieutenant General Harinder Singh and China’s commander of the South Xinjiang Military Region, Major General Liu Lin.

Neither the defence ministry nor the ministry of external affairs (MEA) made any comment on the outcome.

However sources in the army’s public affairs directorate stated: “Both sides have emphasised the need for an expeditious, phased and step wise de-escalation as a priority.”

It is learnt that the Chinese side made no commitment towards disengaging or withdrawing from seven areas on the Indian side of the LAC, in which China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) have entrenched themselves in since May 5.

In the first corps commanders’ meeting on June 6, the Indian military officers believed the Chinese had agreed to disengage and pull back from the Galwan River valley. But when Indian soldiers went close to the LAC to ascertain that the PLA had withdrawn, they were ambushed by Chinese soldiers, resulting in the deaths of 20 Indian soldiers and an unspecified number of Chinese.

Currently, the PLA remains ensconced at Patrolling Point 14 (PP14) in the Galwan River valley, as well as at six other places on the Indian side of the LAC: The Bottleneck area in the Depsang area; Jeevan Nullah, Patrolling Point (PP)-15 in Galwan; Gogra Heights at PP-17; Chushul and in the north bank of Pangong Lake up to Finger 4.

Reflecting the tension in the military-to-military talks on Tuesday, the army sources said the meeting was “held in a business-like manner, keeping in view the Covid-19 protocols.”

“The process of dis-engagement along the LAC is complex and in such a context, speculative and unsubstantiated [media] reports need to be avoided,” stated sources.

Meanwhile, Indian troops have been deployed near the PLA intruders, to prevent further ingress by the Chinese. Also, India’s military has begun mobilising and moving troops to the border to deal with any situation that arises.

While the two sides continue discussions in diplomatic channels, as well as military, the Chinese side is insisting that the areas the PLA has occupied belong to China, not India.

On June 17, in the wake of the killing of 20 Indian soldiers, Foreign Minister S Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart, Wang Li, agreed that both sides would handle the situation responsibly and would sincerely implement the June 6 disengagement agreement.

Notwithstanding that commitment, Chinese soldiers continue to occupy close to 100 square kilometres of Indian-claimed territory and are engaged in building concrete defences, accommodation and roads and tracks that connect with the communications infrastructure on the Chinese side of the LAC.
“More meetings are expected, both at the military and at the diplomatic level, in future to arrive at [a] mutually agreeable solution and to ensure peace and tranquillity along the LAC as per bilateral agreements and protocols,” said army sources

India-China tensions: It is decision time for New Delhi

Modi's government can no longer ignore China's encroachment on Indian interests. So what are its options?

By Ajai Shukla 
29th June 20
Al Jazeera

Link to article on Al Jazeera: https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/india-china-tensions-decision-time-delhi-200628152747336.html

The disputed Sino-Indian border, which stretches some 3,500km along some of the world’s most rugged terrain, is roiling after soldiers from the two countries clashed violently last fortnight. The two militaries remain poised eyeball-to-eyeball in Ladakh - a high-altitude desert of which China claims and controls a 43,000-square-kilometre chunk.

Decades of negotiations between New Delhi and Beijing have not yielded a solution to their competing claims over 135,000 square kilometres of territory along the border. 

Even so, violence of the kind witnessed on June 15, when 20 Indian soldiers and an unknown number of Chinese soldiers died in a brutal clash in the remote Galwan River valley, is rare.

According to Indian accounts, the impasse began at the end of April, when several thousand soldiers from China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA), who were engaged in their annual springtime exercises in Tibet, unexpectedly crossed the de facto border – called the Line of Actual Control (LAC) – and grabbed chunks of unoccupied territory. India’s thinly deployed military could only watch, since its springtime manoeuvres had been cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The Chinese occupation of Indian-claimed territory and the killing of Indian soldiers are a heavy challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s image, which rests on muscular Hindu nationalism. It exposes Mr Modi to allegations of political misjudgement since he has, over the years, invested personal and political capital into wooing China and befriending its President Xi Jinping. The two have met numerous times, including in two “informal summits” at Wuhan in 2018 and in Chennai, in India, last year. Modi portrayed each of these meetings as heralding a new era of strategic cooperation with China.

His government has been unusually mindful of China’s sensitivities, even as it repeatedly opposed India’s bids for membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group, which controls the world’s export of nuclear materials. Bejing stalled New Delhi’s attempts in the United Nations to have a Pakistan-based radical preacher, Maulana Masood Azhar, designated a global terrorist for 10 years before agreeing to the designation last year. It also ignored India’s objections to building a China-Pakistan Economic Corridor through territory claimed by India.

Overlooking all this, New Delhi has avoided criticising Beijing over its heavy-handedness against Taiwan and Hong Kong, brutal crackdowns in Tibet and Xinjiang, its role in the COVID-19 pandemic, or even the Belt and Road Initiative that tramples on India’s territorial claims.

Most significantly, Modi has remained non-committal to blandishments from Washington for India to play a major role alongside the US in deterring Chinese adventurism in the Indo-Pacific region. New Delhi has consistently rebuffed invitations to carry out joint patrols with the US military, and chosen to project military power only in the Indian Ocean, rather than in the contested South China Sea.

Given the government’s care not to offend Beijing, India’s opposition parties have seized the opportunity to lampoon Mr Modi, who had famously claimed in a 2014 election rally that his “56-inch chest” made him suitable for governing. Now his political rivals are criticising him that his musculature exists only in dealing with Pakistan, but not with China.

Mr Modi is also facing trenchant criticism over inadequately funding the military through his six years in power. In the current year, the defence budget has fallen to its lowest level, as a share of national income, since 1962. That year, debilitated by a decade of dwindling budgets, India’s military was traumatically drubbed in a war with China.

Amidst a chorus of rising criticism, Mr Modi is downplaying the Chinese intrusions, while publicly announcing that the military was handling matters. There is no word on what demands Beijing has made, if any, in on-going discussions between diplomats of both countries.

If Beijing refuses to vacate the territory it has occupied, or makes impossible demands of India, Mr Modi will be left with few options. In what would be a tectonic shift in global power dynamics, India would probably align openly with the US, enormously boosting the emerging containment of China. While Beijing might regard New Delhi’s burgeoning relations with Washington as provocative, and this may have motivated it to teach India a lesson, the outcome would be a strategic debacle for China: Its largest neighbour, India, being pushed into the arms of its superpower adversary, America.

Already, Washington has signalled its readiness to stand alongside India. On at least three occasions since the beginning of May, senior US political officials have pledged support to New Delhi, following up those offers through diplomatic channels. So far, Modi has demurred, replying that India is capable of handling the situation, but this could change. 

Also, on the cards is the probability of India galvanising the Quad – a four-nation diplomatic grouping with military overtones that also features Australia, Japan and the US. Since 2007, India has been mindful of Beijing’s sensitivities about what was billed as an anti-China “concert of democracies”. Now, by allowing Australia into the Malabar trilateral naval exercises, which also include the US and Japan, India could militarise the Quad, making it a significant anti-China grouping in the South China Sea.

India could also pursue economic retribution against China. In an emphatic signal, in April, New Delhi imposed restrictions on Chinese financial investments into India, blocking cash-rich Chinese companies from cheaply buying stakes in Indian firms financially distressed by the pandemic-related economic slowdown. New Delhi could also bar Chinese telecommunications firms from participating in the rollout of India’s 5G telecom network. 

With Sino-Indian trade heavily weighted in China’s favour - the trade imbalance was about $56bn last year - New Delhi could impose damaging restrictions on imports from China. However, the trade interdependence between the two countries would impose a cost on Indian firms as well. For example, India’s well-developed pharmaceutical industry relies heavily on bulk drugs sourced from China.

Perhaps the greatest damage to Chinese interests has already taken place – in its image among Indians. While India’s 1962 generation, and perhaps the next, held onto a demonised image of China, India’s millennials had tended to perceive China more favourably, as a modern economic powerhouse. Now, the Ladakh intrusions and the media glare around “Chinese backstabbing” has created another Indian generation that regards China with animosity.

Most immediately, New Delhi must deal with the situation of having Chinese troops in occupation of Indian territory. Given the nationalistic mood in India, which Mr Modi himself has been central to creating, a soft response or the surrender of territory would be politically unacceptable. The government’s strategy to obtain time to negotiate with Beijing by downplaying the situation has been scuttled by an active media and an opposition that is keen to corner the government on the issue of national security. 

Nor have the Chinese shown any inclination to de-escalate. If anything, Beijing is upping the ante, with reports coming in of fresh Chinese intrusions at other spots along the border. With armed Indian and Chinese troops eyeball-to-eyeball and reserve formations mobilizing to the border, the situation could quickly spin out of control. The five Sino-Indian confidence-building agreements that have kept the peace for 45 years appear to have lost their validity.

Simultaneously, there are reports of cross-border firing on the Line of Control with Pakistan, raising apprehensions of India’s two main enemies – who tout themselves as “iron brothers” – joining hands to force a two-front war on India. With New Delhi unlikely to prevail in that unequal contest, it would have little choice but to call on Washington for assistance, or to fall back on its nuclear deterrent.


Tuesday, 30 June 2020

Chinese troops now stepping up activity opposite Arunachal Pradesh

The two sectors seeing the most PLA activity are Tawang and Walong - which bore the brunt of the Chinese offensive in 1962

By Ajai Shukla
Business Standard, 30th June 20

With Chinese and Indian troops eyeball-to-eyeball at seven places inside India’s claimed territory in Ladakh and Sikkim, China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has begun stepping up activity opposite Arunachal Pradesh as well.

Indian government sources say PLA troops here are reinforcing their posts in large numbers, increasing their patrolling and stepping up violations of the Indian border – which in Arunachal Pradesh runs along the McMahon Line.

The two sectors that are seeing the most PLA activity are Tawang and Walong – which both bore the brunt of the Chinese offensive in 1962.

In the Tawang area, PLA patrols have come right up to India’s Old Khinzemane post on two occasions, and accosted the Indian troops there. Khinzemane is right on the McMahon Line and was the point at which the Dalai Lama entered India after escaping from Lhasa in March 1959.

Khinzemane is located close to the Namka Chu river, where the Chinese launched the 1962 war with their first massed attacks on thinly-held Indian defences.

Also in the Tawang sector, the PLA has reinforced its base camp at Tsona Dzong, the main Tibetan border town located across the McMahon Line from Tawang.

In the Walong sector, which is at the easternmost tip of India, sources report aggressive activity from Chinese patrols at the Indian border post of Kibithoo. The PLA patrols, which have been coming right up to the border, are far more frequent and now include more than 40 soldiers in each – almost twice the number in normal times.

The PLA camp at Old Tatu, across the border from Kibithoo has also been heavily reinforced. There are also reports of heavy reinforcements being moved to Rima, the border town across the McMahon Line from Walong.

There is also aggressive Chinese activity in the Asaphila sector, which the Chinese attacked and captured in the 1962 war. Over preceding days, there have been multiple PLA incursions across the McMahon Line here, say sources. The Chinese have also established temporary camps, just across the border from the Kepang La and Sying La passes.

In the Upper Siang border district, where the Tsang Po river flows into India and becomes the Siang, and then the Brahmaputra, there have been a large number of border transgressions in recent days.

India’s military intelligence is assessing whether the PLA is reinforcing the sector to guard against the eventuality of an Indian attack, or whether the Chinese have plans to occupy Indian territory here as it did in Ladakh.

While there has been no occupation of Indian territory in Arunachal Pradesh yet, as there has in Ladakh, the army taking the Chinese activity seriously. In Ladakh, in April, the army misread PLA activity as routine training. It is determined not to make the same mistake in Arunachal Pradesh.

The seven areas in Ladakh that have Chinese troops squatting on Indian territory are: Bottleneck in the Depsang area; Jeevan Nullah, the Y-Nullah in the Galwan River valley; Patrolling Point (PP)-15 in Galwan; Gogra Heights at PP-17; Chushul and the north bank of Pangong Lake up to Finger 4.